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Mickan, M. Oshana, F. Renken, R. Rilling, A. Seifert u. Save to Library. The Brecht House Symposium ] more. Was ist die Rolle von Literatur im globalen Kapitalismus? Diesen Fragen Die USA unter Obama. Tightly connected to the historical material and with theoretical breath, they deal with national and international conflict fronts and relationships of forces, actors and perspectives of U. The result is a formidable, critical, yes skeptical depiction.
At the same time, they show an author who has relentlessly logged and analyzed U. A citizen of two worlds, the German and the Canadian one where the latter rests culturally halfway between the United States, his object of study, and Europe, Ingar Solty makes a name for himself as one of the most productive, young representatives of critical research on the United States …. On that basis, and given my basic precondition for any scholarly collaboration namely that I could learn from my co-author I began ongoing scholarly work with Solty and I continue to learn a great deal from him: here in the form of his new book on the United States under the charismatic leadership of Barack Obama.
It details precisely how the first Obama administration responded to the post global economic crisis, partly to reconstruct neoliberalism via state interventionism. In sum, this wide-ranging volume is an essential read for our understanding of the nature of dominant power — and its internal and external limits and contradictions — in the crisis-ridden period since the start of the 21st century.
But as it stands, this incisive analysis succeeds in identifying the deeper structural causes why any change in the US political system is almost impossible to begin with. To answer the question whether Obama in his second term will be able or even attempt at all to wrest free from the stranglehold of the multiple layers of opposition to change, we need four more years. Just as back in the day the communist Gorbachev, today, around years after the abolition of slavery, the African American Barack Obama is one of the most persistent favorites of Western Europeans.
With critical theory and political precision he navigates through already forgotten landscapes. Solty examines the changes in political leadership under Obama, social movements in the global crisis, the American Empire and the second crisis presidency.
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His interim balance: the declamation of a bold and swift presidency has turned into the hard slog of a long neoliberal crisis regime. His perspective: the pretty much unnoticed return of class-based electoral behavior and subjectivity is opening up new perspectives. Currently the best analysis of the Obama era.
He shows with many examples that there is also much to criticize in Obama's United States Solty's main thesis is that Obama has reconstructed neoliberalism in the crisis and is now about to deepen it together with the Republicans. To a Marxist, this apparently sounds like a horrific idea However, it is by no means a superficial and broad-brush analysis.
Instead, it contains multiple statistical evidence and recapitulates the recent historical developments and political events interpreting them from a Marxist perspective.
While the attentive reader is already familiar with Solty's texts The reader of this book is asked to put in some 'work'. Yet, he or she is widely remunerated with many recognitions and inspiring thoughts - something which cannot be said to the same degree of the rest of the publications out there devoted to the same topic.
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Zeitschrift Marxistische Erneuerung, No. Das Obama-Projekt: Krise und charismatische Herrschaft 2. Barack Obama: Neuer Roosevelt oder neuer Clinton? Arbeiterbewegung Reloaded? Occupy Wall Street Krieg gegen einen Integrationsunwilligen? View on amazon. An Introduction] more. Wolfgang Fritz Haug, Ingar Solty et al. Das Obama-Projekt. Krise und charismatische Herrschaft [The Obama Project. Crisis and Charismatic Rule] more. More Info: Supplement of "Sozialismus", Vol. American Politics , U.
Frank Deppe, Ingar Solty et al. In , the world is entering the sixth year of the global crisis. In those six years, sparked by the unfolding events, there has developed a burgeoning literature regarding the origins, conjunctures and regional manifestations of the In those six years, sparked by the unfolding events, there has developed a burgeoning literature regarding the origins, conjunctures and regional manifestations of the crisis.
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In many ways, this debate evolved from long-term disputes regarding the nature of the current phase of capitalism and its periodization monopoly-finance capitalism, post-Fordism, finance driven accumulation regime, financial-market capitalism, neoliberalism, high-tech capitalism etc. However, as Magnus Ryner has pointed out, with a few notable exceptions, the debate has shed insufficient light on the political articulation of the crisis and the interrelations between the political and the economic sphere.
With regard to not only the origins of the crisis but also and particularly the viability of exit strategies from it, the struggles over hegemony occurring during the crisis are essential. Hence, complementing the Marxist and Marxian crisis debate, it is the goal of this paper to shed some light on the political articulations of the global crisis and assess the interrelations between global leadership efforts seeking exit strategies from the crisis and the hegemonic struggles underlying their agencies.
While in looking at the struggle between left and right projects of leadership references will be made to numerous core and non-core capitalist countries, the main focus will be on the two dominant actors in NAFTA and the EU, the United States and Germany, which have shaped the politics of exit strategies from the crisis in North America and the Eurozone. The relationship between capitalism and democracy has historically been a complicated one whose contradictions were reinforced by capitalist crises.
In this context we address the following key questions: 1 how have the relationships In this context we address the following key questions: 1 how have the relationships between capital and democracy been constituted during the principal organic crises of historical capitalism? In so doing we develop our principal hypothesis concerning the crisis of democracy today: while the crisis of Fordist capitalism in the s was a crisis of too much democracy at least from the particular perspective of capital , the crisis of neoliberalism today from the perspective of the political economy and of society in general is a crisis of not enough democracy.
The crisis of democracy in this sense constitutes the principal impasse for sustainable exit strategies from the contemporary organic crisis. After Neoliberalism. Left versus right projects of leadership in the global crisis more. This chapter debates the future possibilities for global order and governance by mapping a political sociology of the current global crisis, and specifically the crisis of neoliberal capitalism.
It looks at the political and class The chapter considers the prospects for several sets of long-term ruling strategies e. These are explored as they are actually being developed by the different right and left agencies of global leadership, especially in the United States and in Germany. View on ebooks. Publication Date: Publication Name: junge Welt. Die Frage stellt sich: Ist aus der heutigen Formationskrise bereits ein neuer Kapitalismus entstanden? Post-democracy in Armenia? How the new Constitution will depoliticize Armenian society more.
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A conversation. Donald Trump's USA and global beggar-thy-neighbor capitalism] more. In an anti-establishment election in the midst of a deep crisis of representation, Donald Trump won the U. His triumph raised the question of whether his realpolitik would lead to a shift towards economic nationalism, undermining the liberal framework if the international economic order and a structural transformation of globalization.
His presidency allows us to study what the nationalist far-right actually does when it rules. To some, the trade war indicates such a shift in the international political economy based on selective protectionism and partial imperial retreat. On the contrary, Trump's economic and foreign policies embody a neo-Reaganite approach to intensifying world market integration, while his bilateral transactionalism is merely the strategy to achieve this particular goal.
Hence, Trump's economic approach is in fact a continuation of, not a rupture with, Barack Obama's foreign economic policy goals and merely radicalizes Obama's competitive-austerity approach in a global beggar-thy-neighbor capitalism. Der bilaterale Transaktionalismus ist lediglich ein anderer strategischer Ansatz zur Erreichung dieses Ziels. Kasseler Schriften zur Friedenspolitik. Kassel: Jenior, pp. The Green New Deal, understood as a means to reestablishing US hegemony, has failed and given way to a global austerity turn.
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